On Thursday, even as the House took its vote, four floors below in the bowels of the Capitol, investigators questioned Timothy Morrison, the top Russia expert on the National Security Council, about assertions by others that he had witnessed Mr. Trump and his ambassador to the European Union, Gordon D. Sondland, make clear within the American government and to the Ukrainians that they expected a public pledge for investigations before the security assistance would be released.
Republicans have participated in the questioning throughout, and argue that there has been no firsthand evidence of a quid pro quo. Mr. Trump’s defense has been more blunt force, describing the inquiry as a “coup,” branding veteran officials who have cooperated “Never Trumpers,” and accusing Democrats of lying about what took place as he insists over and over again that his call with Mr. Zelensky was “perfect.”
Democrats have indicated that the next phase could move just as swiftly, if they are not derailed. With Thursday’s Halloween vote behind them, party leaders are aiming to conclude public fact-finding hearings in the Intelligence Committee by around Thanksgiving. The Judiciary Committee would then have several weeks to draft and debate articles of impeachment before a possible House vote on impeachment before Christmas.
The House is scheduled to recess for one week beginning Friday. Lawmakers leading the impeachment inquiry intend to use that time to begin to wrap up closed-door witness depositions with government officials. Their targets remain ambitious, if perhaps unattainable, including John R. Bolton, Mr. Trump’s former national security adviser, and top White House lawyers who helped lock down a summary of the July phone call with Mr. Zelensky.
They want to waste little time once they return, convening public hearings in the Intelligence Committee the week of November 11 with key witnesses who have already provided testimony out of public view.
The resolution adopted on Thursday lays out rules for those hearings, directs the Intelligence committee to produce a public report of its findings and authorizes it to share all evidence collected with the Judiciary Committee. It is in that panel that lawmakers from both parties will weigh the strength of the evidence and debate whether it amounts to high crimes and misdemeanors.
As in past impeachment inquiries, the procedures grant Republicans on the Intelligence and Judiciary committees the ability to recommend subpoenas and witnesses, though they can be overruled by a vote of the full committees. And they allow Mr. Trump’s legal team to propose witnesses to the Judiciary Committee, cross-examine witnesses the panel calls and publicly present a defense. Those rights may be abridged, however, if Democrats determine that Mr. Trump’s legal team is obstructing the inquiry — a charge they have repeatedly leveled so far.
Sheryl Stolberg and Emily Cochrane contributed reporting.